Three criminal cases involving ICE hit the Supreme Judicial Court

by Jennifer Smith, CommonWealth Beacon

When Massachusetts’ criminal justice system collides with federal immigration actions, the fingers start pointing.

Justices of the Supreme Judicial Court spent most of Monday’s oral arguments trying to work out whether prosecutors have any duty to tell judges if their defendants could be arrested by US Immigration and Customs Enforcement, and what power, if any, state judges have to order immigration officials to bring a person back into the state so they can face trial.

If it turns into federal versus state “standoff,” as several justices put it, what then?

Lawyers for three men detained by ICE during their criminal prosecutions argue that judges and prosecutors can do more to prevent immigration proceedings from derailing the normal course of justice.

In a case that sparked a political conflagration between the Suffolk County district attorney’s office and federal prosecutors last year, Dominican national Wilson Martell-Lebron was arrested outside the courthouse mid-trial by an immigration agent who had been slated as a prosecution witness. Martell-Lebron was charged with providing false information on a license application.

The judge in the case, Mark Summerville, accused ICE agent Brian Sullivan of violating Martell-Lebron’s rights to due process and a fair trial, and concluded that two state troopers involved in the case and communicating with the ICE agent knew about plans to detain the man. Summerville dismissed the case against Martell-Lebron, ruling there had been egregious prosecutorial misconduct.

The Suffolk County district attorney’s office appealed Summerville’s decision.

Justices on Monday were openly skeptical of claims that prosecutors had no special knowledge that their defendant would be detained, given that the ICE agent who directed the detention was part of the prosecution before the trial.

“I’m not buying your argument that he’s not a member of the prosecution team after the discovery stage,” Justice Frank Gaziano said, referring to the period of time before trial where both sides exchange relevant information.

A member of the prosecution team is not allowed to do anything to derail the prosecution — that would be prosecutorial misconduct, said Justice Gabrielle Wolohojian, who noted that the ICE agent was a member of the prosecution team “and he caused the defendant’s unavailability for trial.”

State officials have no jurisdiction over federal immigration enforcement operations. Assistant District Attorney Elisabeth Martino told the justices that the ICE agent was conducting a “separate, sovereign, federal action.”

Martino acknowledged that the ICE agent had said throughout the proceedings that his agency was interested in taking the defendant into custody at some point. But she claimed the understanding was that meant at the end of the trial.

“Why wouldn’t the prosecution give the judge the information it has,” asked Chief Justice Kimberly Budd. “I understand you’re saying they have no power to do anything, but they have the power to let the court know what’s happening.”

The district attorney’s office argued that prosecutors should not have to inform the court about possible immigration enforcement action, in part because federal agents might try to hold prosecutors responsible if they scare the defendant into fleeing.

Under the law at the time of Martell-Lebron’s trial, the burden was on federal agents to inform the court if they plan to arrest a defendant.

And the PROTECT Act, which was passed this year and creates new guidelines for how federal agents should operate in “sensitive locations” like courthouses or schools, does not instruct prosecutors to inform the courts if there may be an immigration action.

There are consequences for failing to follow the new rules, like being sued by the state attorney general, but those remedies are aimed at the ICE agent rather than prosecutors.

The Martell-Lebron case, like the two other immigration cases before the high court on Monday, also considered what power state judges have to make sure a defendant is able to appear in court.

Once Martell-Lebron was taken into ICE custody, Martino said, prosecutors asked for a writ of habeas corpus, which is an order demanding that the government bring a detained person to court. ICE told the prosecution that the initial writ did not have the correct language, and Judge Summerville refused to issue a second one with corrected language.

That seemed to trouble the high court. Dismissing a case with prejudice, Gaziano noted, was an “extreme remedy, and before getting there [a judge] should exhaust the process that’s available to him properly, and that didn’t happen.”

Even if the judge was skeptical that ICE would comply, SJC justices suggested, he should have gone through the process of correcting the writ. Martino said that is “the absolute, major problem in this case.”

In the case of Freslet Noralus, charged with assault with a dangerous weapon and taken into ICE custody in May 2025, a state district court judge wouldn’t issue a writ of habeas corpus to immigration officials at all.

After consulting with the Fall River District Court clerk-magistrate, Judge David Sorrenti concluded he did not have the authority to issue the writ after learning that Noralus was being held at a detention facility in Kentucky.

The court denied a motion to dismiss and issued a default — or failure to meet a legal obligation — because Noralus was not present, along with a warrant for “a man it knew was in a cell in Kentucky,” attorney David Rassoul Rangaviz said. This effectively punished him for not being there, an absence that was “guaranteed” by the court refusing to sign off on the writ of habeas corpus, Rangaviz added.

Noralus has now been deported to Haiti. Rangaviz told the court that this means the state wants to keep the charge open indefinitely “against a man that its own inaction helped to deport.”

Rangaviz asked the SJC to hold that the courts can issue writs of habeas corpus even if the defendant has been moved out of state and that there cannot be a default against a defendant who the court knows is absent because of being detained by ICE. He also argued that the case must be dismissed with prejudice, meaning the defendant can’t be retried, if the state does not “do the work” of trying to get the person to trial.

The defendants’ attorney, prosecutors, and the attorney general agree that the trial judge should have issued the writ in Noralus’s case. Even though state writs can’t be enforced on the federal level, there are several instances where federal officials have respected the court order anyway, Rangaviz said.

In a brief, the of Massachusetts said the process is well-established. A state trial court can issue a state writ to bring the person to the next court appearance, and if federal officials don’t recognize it, state prosecutors can request that the US District of Massachusetts issue a supplemental federal writ to accompany the state one.

If ICE chooses not to comply with the writ or deports the defendants, that creates another legal quagmire. At least 30 Massachusetts criminal cases are in the same holding pattern, Rangaviz noted in his brief, with “outstanding default warrants, absent defendants, no end in sight.”

Jaime Loredo, who was arrested on drug charges in 2025, was detained by ICE right after his family posted bail.

Loredo is a messy example of writs in action, as he was moved from ICE detention in Massachusetts to Virgina. ICE ignored at least one state writ to have Loredo appear virtually, and honored multiple others. The state prosecutor did not file a federal writ to have him appear in person, and the federal government deported Loredo before trial. Like the Noralus case, the court similarly declined to dismiss Loredo’s charges and issued a default warrant.

Loredo then came back into the and was arrested again.

Keeping cases and defaults open can punish defendants for absences beyond their control and complicate immigration or asylum proceedings. This puts them in a “terrible limbo,” said Michaela Martin Strout, Loredo’s attorney.

Norales and Loredo’s attorneys argued that defaults issued when someone is unable to appear due to ICE action violates defendants’ constitutional right to due process. But justices suggested in some cases, “the default serves a practical purpose for a person who doesn’t deserve to be let off scot-free,” said Justice Scott Kafker.

Rulings from the high court are supposed to be handed down within 130 days of the oral arguments but can take longer.

Amid the thorny questions of prosecutors reporting immigration action or the mixed incentives of defaults and open warrants targeting people well outside the state’s jurisdiction, justices appeared most clear on one takeaway — if judges can act, they should.

“You have to try,” said Justice Dalila Wendlandt of the Suffolk judge’s refusal to submit a corrected writ to ICE. “I’m not just making that up. I think it’s the case law.”

This article first appeared on CommonWealth Beacon and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

Image credit: Swampyank at English Wikipedia, John Adams Courthouse SJC Massachusetts, CC BY 3.0

Massachusetts has lost at least $5.9 billion in federal funding, tracker shows

Federal funding cancellations and slowdowns have cost Massachusetts at least $5.91 billion, and medical and scientific research accounts for the largest share of the losses, according to a national tracking project.

The figures come from Lost Funds, a database of federal funding disruptions in Massachusetts run by States United Democracy Center and Grant Watch. The project tracks what it calls the Trump administration’s federal funding disruptions and the legal challenges states have filed against them. It last updated its data Oct. 6.

Massachusetts expected about $13.9 billion from the 48 programs Lost Funds tracks in the state. The losses equal about 43% of that money. Recipients include 75 nonprofits, 59 local governments and 40 colleges and universities, along with 164 other organizations.

Nationally, the project counts $174 billion in disrupted federal funding. It lists 3,188 local governments, 752 school districts and 452 businesses among the affected recipients, plus 15,375 others.

Lost Funds counts a disruption when a federal agency formally cancels committed money, freezes funds so recipients cannot draw them down, or slows grant-making compared with previous years. The project draws award amounts from USAspending, the federal spending database.

Research absorbs the largest share

Five research and science-training categories account for about $1.77 billion of the Massachusetts total, or roughly 30%. The largest, cancelled and frozen biomedical grants listed under health, totals $1.31 billion.

The tracker also counts $217 million in lost science research grants and $168 million in biomedical education grants, a category that covers graduate students and other trainees.

Massachusetts led the nation in National Institutes of Health grant losses by mid-2025. A June 2025 report from the volunteer project Grant Watch put the state’s NIH losses at $1.27 billion, the most of any state, Becker’s Hospital Review reported. Harvard Medical School had more terminated grants than any other institution, with 340.

Gov. Maura Healey pressed Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. on the cuts in a Jan. 6 letter demanding restored NIH funding. Citing a study in JAMA Internal Medicine, Healey said the cuts had halted 18 clinical trials involving 13,000 patients in Massachusetts.

NIH disputes the scale

NIH challenged those numbers. In an April 29 response to Healey, NIH Principal Deputy Director Matthew Memoli wrote that agency staff replicated the study and found 28 clinical trials still tied to terminated grants, with 14 of them actively enrolling participants. He said institutions could keep drawing funds to protect participant safety and close out projects.

NIH Director Jay Bhattacharya has defended the agency’s shift in priorities. During a March visit to the University of Pennsylvania, he said NIH spent all the research money Congress provided in 2025 while funding fewer grants, The Philadelphia Inquirer reported. He also said he wants to steer more NIH money beyond research centers such as Boston.

In December 2025, Bhattacharya said NIH would decline to renew diversity, equity and inclusion grants that courts had forced the agency to restore. “When it comes to renewal, those grants no longer meet NIH priorities,” he said in a podcast interview, STAT reported.

Food aid, disaster relief and transportation

The largest single Massachusetts item on the list involves food assistance. Lost Funds counts $1.83 billion in slowed Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program funding, though the site marks that money as restored outside of litigation.

Other large losses include $794 million for infectious disease control, which the site lists as temporarily restored, and $406 million in slowed disaster relief. Pollution-reduction programs lost $310 million.

Congress drove some of the cuts. The Massachusetts Department of Transportation lost $31.9 million for low-carbon construction materials after the One Big Beautiful Bill Act rescinded the program, the governor’s office said in August 2025. Healey called the cancellation “bad for our communities and bad for our economy.”

State takes fight to court

Massachusetts ranks among the 27 states that have joined lawsuits against the administration, according to Lost Funds’ tracking of state legal challenges.

Attorney General Andrea Joy Campbell co-led a 16-state coalition that sued over NIH grant terminations in April 2025. U.S. District Judge William G. Young ruled the terminations illegal that June. In August 2025, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled 5-4 that challenges to the terminations belong in the U.S. Court of Federal Claims, allowing the administration to withhold the money in the meantime, Campbell’s office said.

The states won a separate fight this year. A Jan. 5 ruling upheld an injunction blocking NIH cuts to research overhead payments that the agency announced in February 2025, The Boston Globe reported. Campbell said the decision protects money that pays for faculty, lab infrastructure and utilities.

Mass. State Police, 5 states to crack down on dangerous driving

Massachusetts drivers will see more troopers on major highways from Tuesday, Oct. 13, through Thursday, Oct. 15, as state police here and in five neighboring states run a coordinated crackdown on dangerous driving.

Massachusetts State Police Lt. Col. Brendhan Shugrue announced Operation Wicked Safe on Thursday, Oct. 8, at the department’s Weston barracks, alongside officers from New Hampshire and Connecticut. Troopers from Connecticut, New Hampshire, New York, Rhode Island and Vermont will run targeted patrols in their own states during the same window.

Patrols will focus on speeding, aggressive driving, distracted driving, impaired driving and other high-risk behavior.

In Massachusetts, priority roads include Interstates 84, 90, 91, 93, 95 and 395 and Route 146, along with other roads that participating agencies select. Specialized units will support troopers on patrol.

“Dangerous driving does not stop at state lines, and neither does our commitment to keep people safe on our roadways,” said State Police Col. Geoffrey Noble.

“Our message to the driving public is straightforward: If you choose to drive dangerously, we will find you wherever you are, and you will be held accountable,” Noble said.

State Police Maj. Sean Maher said the department’s Commercial Vehicle Enforcement Section, known as the “Truck Team,” will assign 30 troopers to inspect large trucks, buses and other commercial vehicles during the operation.

The department’s Division of Field Services designed the operation as part of the State Police Excellence Initiative, which sets a goal of promoting safer communities. Department officials said dangerous driving and crashes peak each October, when fall tourism and school schedules add traffic while changing weather affects road conditions.

In October 2025, State Police logged more than 4,000 crash-related calls for service, and the Massachusetts Department of Transportation recorded 38 fatal crashes, the most of any month that year.

A 2025 AAA study on aggressive driving found that 96% of drivers admitted to at least one aggressive behavior, such as speeding, tailgating or cutting off another vehicle, in the previous year.

Col. Daniel Loughman, commanding officer of the Connecticut State Police, said troopers there will increase enforcement next week to deter dangerous driving and encourage motorists to obey posted speed limits.

“Operation Wicked Safe occurs during one of the busiest travel weeks of the year in our state,” said New Hampshire State Police Lt. Brian Viglione. He said troopers will patrol from the Massachusetts line to the northern border and from the Seacoast to the Vermont border.

Lt. Robert McKenna, special operations executive officer for the Vermont State Police, said cross-border coordination extends the reach of each agency’s patrols. “Working together in a coordinated operation across state lines allows police agencies to expand our impact region-wide,” McKenna said.

New York State Police Superintendent Steven G. James said the campaign aims to reduce crashes caused by aggressive and dangerous driving.

“We know all too well the needless tragedies that result when motorists don’t make safety their number one priority,” James said.

Image courtesy of the Massachusetts State Police

Generic drug buyers have until March 2027 to claim price-fixing settlement money

Massachusetts residents who bought generic prescription drugs between May 2009 and December 2019 may qualify for payments from drugmakers accused of fixing prices, and they have until March 8, 2027, to file a claim.

Attorney General Andrea Campbell urged consumers to check their eligibility Thursday, Oct. 8, as she and a coalition of 45 states and territories asked a court to approve settlements with three more generic drug manufacturers.

Under the agreements, Ascend Laboratories will pay $400,000 and Mayne Pharma will pay $650,000 to the multi-state coalition. Citron Pharma, which has stopped doing business, agreed to non-monetary terms only. All three companies also agreed to internal reforms meant to ensure fair competition and compliance with antitrust laws.

How to file a claim

Consumers can check their eligibility and file a claim at AGGenericDrugs.com. The claims administrator also takes questions toll-free at 866-290-0182 and by email at info@AGGenericDrugs.com.

In September, the U.S. District Court for the District of Connecticut granted preliminary approval of the coalition’s plan to distribute settlement money to consumers, according to California Attorney General Rob Bonta’s office. Claims under that plan are due March 8, 2027.

Earlier settlements

The states previously reached settlements totaling $496.5 million with Sandoz, Glenmark, Lannett and Bausch, and Apotex and Heritage, along with Heritage’s parent company, Emcure.

The settlements stem from antitrust lawsuits the coalition began filing in 2016. The first complaint named Heritage, 17 other companies and two individuals, and it covered 15 generic drugs. Two former Heritage executives, Jeffery Glazer and Jason Malek, have since settled and now cooperate with the states.

The states filed a second complaint in 2019 against Teva Pharmaceuticals and 21 other generic drug manufacturers, naming 16 senior executives as defendants.

A third complaint, filed in June 2020, targets about 80 topical generic drugs such as creams and ointments. It names 26 companies and 10 executives, and it will go to trial first. Earlier this year, the states filed a fourth complaint alleging that Novartis AG, Sandoz Group AG and Sandoz AG bear liability for Sandoz’s alleged conduct and for fraudulently transferring assets.

What investigators found

The states built their cases on more than 20 million documents and on phone records covering more than 600 sales and pricing employees in the generics industry. Several cooperating witnesses also helped investigators.

According to the complaints, executives at competing companies met at industry dinners and golf outings and stayed in touch through frequent calls and text messages. The states allege the defendants used phrases such as “fair share” and “playing nice in the sandbox” to describe how they discouraged competition and raised prices.

Investigators also obtained a two-volume notebook in which one cooperating witness recorded calls with competitors and internal company meetings over several years.

Antitrust Division Chief Anthony Mariano and Deputy Chief Jennifer Greaney handled the case for Campbell’s office.

MassDOT urges off-peak travel over holiday weekend

State transportation officials expect crowded highways across Massachusetts over the Columbus Day weekend and want drivers to travel at off-peak hours beginning Friday, Oct. 9.

The Massachusetts Department of Transportation used traffic data to build a forecast for the holiday period and released it in a holiday travel advisory Thursday, Oct. 8. MassDOT recommends avoiding midday and peak-hour driving Friday, Oct. 9, and Saturday, Oct. 10, when it expects congestion through the afternoon and evening.

Jonathan Gulliver, undersecretary and state highway administrator, said the agency expects “increased traffic volumes on roadways throughout the state.” He asked drivers to plan ahead and give themselves extra time.

Delays should build between 10 a.m. and 2 p.m. Sunday, Oct. 11, with congestion growing into the afternoon. MassDOT expects heavier traffic through midday Monday, Oct. 12. Normal commuter patterns return Tuesday, Oct. 13, with heavy traffic throughout the day.

Lane changes on I-93 and Route 1A

The high-occupancy vehicle lane on Interstate 93 between Boston and Quincy opens for its usual 5 to 10 a.m. window Friday, Oct. 9, then reopens with extended afternoon hours from 1 to 7 p.m. The HOV lane stays closed Monday, Oct. 12.

The southbound swing lane on Route 1A at the Sumner Tunnel runs its normal 5 to 10 a.m. hours Friday, Oct. 9. MassDOT will not deploy it Monday, Oct. 12.

MassDOT’s Highway Assistance Program, sponsored by MAPFRE, will add patrols on major roadways over the weekend. Drivers who need roadside help can call 911.

MBTA holiday schedules

On Monday, Oct. 12, the subway runs on a Saturday schedule, and buses and The RIDE follow a Saturday holiday schedule, according to the MBTA’s holiday service page. None of those services will run late at night; they end at their regular Monday closing time. Commuter Rail and ferries keep regular weekday schedules.

A $10 Holiday Weekend Pass covers unlimited Commuter Rail trips on all lines and zones from Saturday, Oct. 10, through Monday, Oct. 12. Riders can buy one in the mTicket app or on board the train, though fare vending machines do not sell it. The pass does not cover subway, bus or ferry trips.

State offices and RMV closed Monday

State offices, including Registry of Motor Vehicles service centers, close Monday, Oct. 12, for the holiday. Drivers can complete more than 60 transactions through the RMV’s online services, and AAA members can book appointments at AAA branches for some registry business.

Busy weekend at Logan

Massport expects more passengers at Boston Logan International Airport over the long weekend and encourages travelers to reach the airport by public transit or shared rides. Options include the Blue Line, Logan Express and the Silver Line, which riders can board free from the airport. The free FlyLogan app shows flight status and lets travelers reserve parking or buy Logan Express tickets. More details are available on Massport’s Logan Airport site.

For live traffic cameras, travel times and alerts, drivers can use the Mass511 app or visit Mass511.com. Calling 511 also provides real-time conditions by route, and MassDOT posts updates on X at @MassDOT.

Federal grand jury indicts 2 Worcester men in fentanyl conspiracy

A federal grand jury has indicted two Worcester men on charges they conspired to distribute fentanyl in Worcester County. Investigators allegedly seized nearly 5 kilograms of the drug and five guns in the case.

The indictment charges Richard Molina-Ovalle, 36, and Jose Molina-Ovalle, 27, with conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl, along with related offenses.

Prosecutors say Jose Molina-Ovalle, a citizen of the Dominican Republic, lived in Worcester without legal permission. He faces additional counts that include possessing firearms while in the country illegally and illegal reentry into the United States.

Arrests and court dates

Authorities first arrested and charged Richard Molina-Ovalle in September. The court released him on conditions while the case moved forward.

He faces arraignment Tuesday, Oct. 13, in federal court in Boston.

Authorities arrested Jose Molina-Ovalle in the Bahamas on Thursday, Sept. 24. The charging documents do not say when he will appear in a Massachusetts courtroom.

Leominster stop and Worcester apartment

According to charging documents, investigators spotted Richard Molina-Ovalle on Thursday, Sept. 10, outside the Leominster home of an alleged co-conspirator. His vehicle held more than 400 grams of fentanyl at the time, the documents allege.

Investigators later searched his Worcester apartment and allegedly found about 31 grams of fentanyl and drug packaging materials.

Alleged supplier’s home

Prosecutors allege Jose Molina-Ovalle supplied drugs to Richard Molina-Ovalle.

A search of Jose Molina-Ovalle’s Worcester residence allegedly turned up about 4.5 kilograms of fentanyl and 1 kilogram of cocaine. Investigators also reported finding cutting agents, scales, blenders, drug packaging materials and a large amount of U.S. currency.

Investigators allegedly recovered the following firearms from the same residence:

• A Glock 21 .45-caliber pistol
• A Glock 27 .40-caliber pistol
• A Smith & Wesson .380-caliber pistol
• A 12-gauge shotgun
• An Anderson Arms AR-15 rifle

The fentanyl that investigators allege they found in the vehicle and the two Worcester homes totals more than 4.9 kilograms.

The charge of conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl provides for a sentence of no less than 10 years in prison and up to life in prison, at least five years of supervised release and a fine of up to $10 million.

Three charged in fentanyl conspiracy after seizure outside Leominster home

Federal prosecutors have charged three people with conspiracy to distribute fentanyl in Worcester County after authorities say a Worcester man had more than 400 grams of the drug in his vehicle outside a Leominster home.

Zachary Riley, 30, and Danielly Mancilla, 35, both of Leominster, and Richard Molina-Ovalle, 36, of Worcester, face a charge of conspiracy to distribute controlled substances, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Massachusetts.

All three made initial appearances in federal court in Boston on Sept. 11. A judge ordered Riley held and released Mancilla and Molina-Ovalle on conditions.

Riley and Mancilla sold fentanyl to a confidential informant several times beginning in July, according to charging documents. Prosecutors allege Molina-Ovalle supplied the pair with the drugs.

Authorities found all three outside Riley’s Leominster residence Sept. 10. Molina-Ovalle had more than 400 grams of fentanyl in his vehicle at the time, prosecutors allege.

Investigators who searched Riley’s Leominster apartment seized about 42 grams of fentanyl and 60 grams of cocaine, according to prosecutors.

A search of Molina-Ovalle’s Worcester apartment turned up about 31 grams of fentanyl along with drug packaging materials, prosecutors said.

The federal case covers activity in Leominster and Worcester, about 20 miles apart in Worcester County. Prosecutors filed the charges in Boston.

The charge of conspiracy to distribute controlled substances provides for a sentence of up to 20 years in prison, at least three years of supervised release and a fine of $250,000.

Editor’s note: The information provided in this report is based on events as described by the U.S. Department of Justice. The claims within are allegations which may be challenged by the accused in court.

Worcester bishop planned to transfer accused priest before state was notified in 2021

Worcester Bishop Robert J. McManus planned to move the Rev. Alan J. Martineau to another parish after a teenage parishioner accused the priest of inappropriate touching, according to court records The Boston Globe reported Wednesday, Oct. 7.

A diocesan social worker reported the allegations to the state Department of Children and Families before the transfer took effect. Nearly five months passed between the day McManus first heard the accusations and the day the diocese contacted authorities, the Globe found.

Martineau became the only priest prosecuted as a result of Attorney General Andrea Campbell’s investigation into the dioceses of Worcester, Fall River and Springfield. Campbell’s office released the findings Tuesday, Sept. 30. The report tied 90 accused clergy members to 216 survivors in the Worcester Diocese alone.

The Globe obtained the court records after a judge impounded them. A search for the case in the state’s public court database returns no records.

McManus learned of the allegations no later than Sept. 9, 2021, when he met with Martineau and the Rev. Alfredo Porras, the priest who first heard the girl’s account. She was 14 when the alleged touching began in 2019, according to the records. Martineau told Porras he had held the girl’s hand and might have kissed her forehead, and he denied other allegations.

In the weeks that followed, the girl gave Porras a written note describing prolonged hugging and kissing. Investigators later found that Martineau and the girl exchanged about 80,000 text messages between 2019 and 2021.

The girl’s family lived rent-free on the grounds of St. Stanislaus Parish in West Warren in exchange for work on church property. Her parents told police that Martineau, who ran the parish, cut off their internet service and tried to stop their oil deliveries after the allegations surfaced.

At the end of December 2021, the diocese announced that Martineau would move to St. George Parish in Worcester. In a Dec. 12, 2022, statement, the diocese said it had scheduled the transfer so Martineau could “benefit from the tutelage of a seasoned pastor” because of concerns about boundary issues with a minor.

Judith Audette, the diocese’s victim assistance coordinator, kept corresponding with the girl, who described additional contact by email. Audette, a licensed social worker and mandated reporter, notified DCF in late January and early February 2022. McManus then placed Martineau on leave, and the diocese notified the Worcester County district attorney’s office and hired an outside firm to investigate.

Ray Delisle, chancellor and communications director for the diocese, told the Globe that the family’s concerns in fall 2021 involved boundaries and poor judgment and did not describe sexual conduct. Delisle said the diocese first learned of sexual conduct in late January 2022, and that disclosure prompted the report to the state.

The Legislature added clergy members to the state’s list of mandated reporters of child abuse through a 2002 law passed as the Boston archdiocese scandal unfolded.

Plea deal and early end to probation

After the outside firm finished its work, the diocese announced in December 2022 that it had found a credible allegation of sexual abuse of a minor against Martineau. The diocese barred him from presenting himself as a priest.

Prosecutors charged Martineau in January 2023 with three counts of indecent assault and battery on a person 14 or older in East Brookfield District Court. He pleaded not guilty.

In September 2025, Martineau accepted a deal in which he admitted to sufficient facts for an assault and battery conviction without pleading guilty. The court dismissed the case and placed him on probation for one year with an order to stay away from the victim. A judge ended the probation early in June.

The Worcester Telegram & Gazette reported the plea agreement at the time.

Martineau’s lawyer, Louis P. Aloise, told the Globe that prosecutors could prove only that Martineau had hugged the girl. “This is the weakest case I’ve seen,” Aloise said.

Aloise said Martineau has petitioned the diocese for reinstatement. The district attorney’s office declined to comment and cited the impounded case files.

Campbell’s report references the Martineau case in one paragraph without naming him or mentioning the prosecution. The report also identifies the Worcester Diocese as the only diocese in Massachusetts that has not released a public list of clergy credibly accused of abusing children.

Massachusetts ranks No. 1 for health of women and children in national report

Massachusetts is the healthiest state in the nation for women and children, according to the America’s Health Rankings 2026 Health of Women and Children Report that the United Health Foundation released Wednesday, Oct. 7.

Vermont, New Hampshire, Minnesota and Connecticut round out the top five. Louisiana finished last, followed by Arkansas, Mississippi, Oklahoma and West Virginia.

The report reached its 10th edition this year. Massachusetts has placed among the top states in each of those editions, according to Gov. Maura Healey’s office.

The state leads the country on two measures tied to young people’s health. Massachusetts recorded 4.6 suicide deaths per 100,000 teens ages 15 to 19 from 2022 through 2024, the lowest rate of any state with reportable data and less than half the national rate of 9.7, according to the report’s teen suicide data.

Massachusetts also has the highest concentration of pediatricians in the country, with 224.2 for every 100,000 residents from birth through age 21. That nearly doubles the national figure of 118.2, according to the report’s pediatrician data from September 2025.

The report also gave Massachusetts strong marks for its low infant mortality rate and low obesity rate among women, along with the share of children who have enough food at home, according to the governor’s office.

Where the state trails

The findings point to weaker spots as well. State officials cited illicit drug use among teens and cervical cancer screening as areas that need work. Massachusetts also lags on the share of infants exclusively breastfed for their first six months.

“We’re proud that Massachusetts is ranked number one in the country for the health of women and children,” Healey said in a statement. “But we also know there is more work to do, particularly to close disparities and make sure everyone can get the care and support they need.”

National trends

The United Health Foundation report found long-term gains in infant health across the U.S. Infant mortality fell 7% between 2012-2013 and 2022-2024, and cigarette smoking during pregnancy dropped 71% from 2014 to 2024.

Maternal health worsened over the same stretch. Severe maternal morbidity rose 36% between 2016 and 2023, and maternal mortality climbed 34% from 2014-2018 to 2020-2024.

Child mortality increased 18% between 2012-2014 and 2022-2024, and suicide remained a leading cause of death among children throughout the decade. Drug deaths among women grew 50% between 2014-2016 and 2022-2024, though the rate improved in the latest period for the first time in a decade.

Pediatrician supply and use moved in opposite directions. The number of pediatricians grew 18% between September 2019 and September 2025, while well-child visits slipped 3%.

Food insecurity showed a similar split. It fell 7% over the decade, yet it has risen 28% since 2019-2021.

Massachusetts Public Health Commissioner Dr. Robbie Goldstein said the top ranking leaves out part of the story.

“We are proud of the progress reflected in this ranking, but a number cannot provide a full picture,” Goldstein said. “Too many families still experience unacceptable disparities in health outcomes based on race, ethnicity, geography, income, and other factors.”

State response

Healey signed maternal health legislation in 2024 that expanded access to midwifery care and birth centers, among other changes.

Her administration has since announced new postpartum and maternal mental health measures, including an expansion of Welcome Family, the state’s universal postpartum home visiting program. The Department of Public Health is also updating postpartum screening rules to better identify perinatal mood and anxiety disorders, according to the governor’s office.

I’ve operated both alcohol and cannabis businesses. Here’s which is more heavily regulated.

by Wes Ritchie, CommonWealth Beacon

I have spent the last seven years of my career operating businesses in two highly regulated industries in the Commonwealth. Over that time, my partners and I have operated both a package store, multiple cannabis dispensaries, and a cannabis farm. Today we have over 45 employees across our facilities.

I read the commentary piece by Robert Mellion, executive director of the Package Stores Association, with great bemusement. He argues that oversight of the state’s cannabis sector has been lax and that it should be regulated like alcohol. I think he has it backwards in two fundamental ways.

First, alcohol is a much more deadly intoxicant than cannabis. Full stop. It’s worth wondering out loud whether alcohol and cannabis should have the same regulatory regime. Under the existing legal cannabis industry, there have been zero reported deaths from legal cannabis use. The same is not true of alcohol use.

Second, cannabis is regulated more comprehensively than virtually any other retail product sold in Massachusetts.

Importantly, Mellion may not understand the existing compliance regime that cannabis operators are subject to. He notes that the state Alcoholic Beverages Control Commission performs “routine, random, and unannounced compliance checks,” and goes on to conclude that “the state must fund and execute regular, unannounced, third-party compliance inspections of all licensed cannabis premises [as] has been done for alcohol and tobacco retail.”

Yet, the Cannabis Control Commission does in fact conduct routine, random, and unannounced compliance checks. I know, because we’ve had them.

Mellion claims that cannabis retailers face only a fraction of the oversight applied to liquor stores and tobacco retailers. My experiences as an operator in both industries is that cannabis, despite being safer than alcohol, is already regulated much more strictly.

The oversight of cannabis starts before the seeds even hit the dirt — with required testing of the growing medium. From there, every harvest is subject to mandatory laboratory testing for potency, pesticides, heavy metals, residual solvents, microbes, mycotoxins, and other contaminants. The Cannabis Control Commission has extensive requirements for proper testing protocols and audits us to make sure we’re following them. If at any point in the process a product fails testing, it never reaches consumers.

Before a cannabis product ever reaches a store shelf, from seed to sale, there is a statewide inventory system that follows every plant on its journey with continuous state oversight.

Every package must be child-resistant, clearly labeled, and carry health warnings. Every transfer between businesses is electronically tracked. Every sale is recorded. Every gram is accounted for.

None of that exists in the alcohol industry.

No one is testing every bottle of wine or whiskey for contaminants before it reaches consumers. Beer isn’t quarantined pending laboratory approval before distribution. Every individual bottle isn’t tracked through a state inventory system from planting to production through retail sale.

But cannabis is.

Can anyone in the alcohol industry tell me about the soil quality of the California grapes that make up their favorite Blanc de Bleu sparkling wine? Or better yet, what even makes it blue?

Cannabis businesses are required to report this information.

That doesn’t even account for the rigorous process we undergo as operators. For me to become a cannabis operator, I had to go through an extensive process that began with comprehensive background investigations before even receiving a license. Our employees undergo the same background checks before they are badged to enter and work at a cannabis facility.

Our facilities are built to exacting security specifications that include 24-hour surveillance, restricted access, alarm systems, alarm monitoring, secure transportation requirements, and detailed operating procedures that regulators can inspect at any time.

The compliance burden doesn’t end once we receive our license.

Licensed cannabis retailers are required to verify identification before every purchase, regardless of a customer’s apparent age. Employees receive mandatory training. We maintain thousands of pages of records and terabytes of video archives. We report every unusual incident to regulators. Surveillance cameras record every transaction.

Our strict 21+ retail rules don’t even let parents bring their kids into our stores when they swing by to pick up a to-go order. Kids can run free around package stores.

Could enforcement continue to improve? Sure. It’s a new industry. The industry continues to improve every year with changes to both the statute and regulations.

Like every regulator, the Cannabis Control Commission should continually evaluate inspection practices, compliance strategies, and enforcement priorities. The Legislature recently took important steps to strengthen the agency’s governance, and industry operators welcome improvements that are consistent, transparent, and effective. Standardization and clarification of enforcement have already taken center stage with the appointment of new commissioners to oversee the industry.

Strong regulation protects responsible businesses as much as it protects consumers.

Ironically, one of the greatest public safety successes of legalization is often overlooked: legal cannabis is displacing a market that has no age verification, no product testing, no labeling standards, no contaminant screening, and no regulatory oversight whatsoever.

Unlike the illicit market, licensed businesses have every incentive to follow the rules because the consequences for failing to do so are severe.

As someone who has operated under both alcohol and cannabis regulations and sold both alcoholic beverages and cannabis to consumers, I can tell you exactly where every gram of our cannabis comes from based on a compliance chain that’s a mile long.

Data, our own experiences, and common sense lead to the conclusion that cannabis is safer than alcohol yet still regulated more strictly. Let’s keep it real about the state of industry regulation.

Wes Ritchie is co-founder and co-CEO of Tree House Craft Cannabis, which operates dispensaries in Dracut, Pepperell, and Groton and an outdoor cultivation facility in Colrain.

This article first appeared on CommonWealth Beacon and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.