City Manager’s Report Rejects Far More than Civilian Review

This is the sixth and final part in a series that will look at actions taken by some city councilors over recent years that, when viewed collectively, display a disturbing downward spiral towards a council that serves the interests of its members, not of city residents.

The introductory piece of the series, The City Council Circles the Drain, looks at a City Council resolution supporting Worcester Police Department actions in several recent cases. In isolation, the resolution is harmless. When viewed in the context of the behavior of the majority faction within the council, the resolution tells a different story.

The second piece of this series, Worcester Council Holds Fewest Meetings in 20 Years in 2025, looks at the near-total elimination of the ability of residents to put issues before their local elected legislature and the events from October 2024 through January 2025, which some councilors cited as the reason for eliminating that ability.

The third piece of this series, Worcester City Council Criticizes Manager, Snitches on Itself, reviews a discussion within the city council related to the specialized stretch code during its meeting on April 28. It’s not the stretch code itself that is important here, but how the discussion shows the sources of information councilors base their decisions on.

The fourth piece of this series, One Year After Eureka St., What Officers at the Scene Knew, reviews the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) operation on Eureka Street on May 8, 2025, the orders under which Worcester Police officers operated that day, and how those orders contradict the later public statement of city officials, including city councilors.

The fifth piece of this series, When Worcester Chose the Trump Bailout Over the Constitution, looks at the campaign to undermine the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) investigation of the Worcester Police Department and the manipulations, changing narratives, and declaration of mission accomplished.

This sixth and final piece of this series looks at the Municipal Civilian Review Board Report released by City Manager Eric Batista to the Worcester City Council, the conflicts of interest surrounding the report, the declining transparency it indicates, and the focus on managing public awareness rather than protecting the constitutional rights of Worcester residents.

City Manager Declares Police Reform Dead

This report by the Batista administration is an exercise in self congratulations. The report says, in short, that we are doing a great job, so we’ll do nothing differently.

This report is not a repudiation of a civilian review board for Worcester. It is a repudiation of independent oversight in any form. In this report, the Batista administration states clearly that it will maintain total authority over all aspects of upholding the U.S. and Massachusetts constitutions within government in Worcester, and the individual rights enshrined in them.

Calling this a report is disingenuous in its own right. This, like many of the reports fed to the Worcester City Council by the administration, is a position paper. The dynamic is quite simple: the administration feeds the majority faction within the council, led by Mayor Joe Petty, what they want to hear. The majority tells him what a great job he’s doing. Then, once a year, the majority  produces a stage show they call an evaluation and reinforces what a great job he’s doing, providing the underlying arguments for what they already want to do.

This aligns with Mayor Joe Petty’s statement on the radio show Talk of the Commonwealth with Hank Stolz just a few weeks ago. Petty said that his personal philosophy is that decision making happens behind closed doors.

Executive Office of Diversity, Equity and Inclusion (EODEI)

An obvious red flag about this report is that Batista assigned writing this report to Chief Equity Officer Kevin Lovaincy. As the head of the Executive Office of Diversity, Equity and Inclusion (EODEI), Lovaincy’s area of responsibility includes the Investigations Division and the Human Rights & Accessibility Division.

In other words, the report is written by the head of a division which would lose part of its current portfolio and have its influence challenged by the creation of a civilian review board. Nobody in government ever wants to give up power or portfolio.

Page 3 of the report says:

“Through the Investigations Division and the Human Rights & Accessibility Division within the Executive Office of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (EODEI), the municipality already possesses many of the foundational elements of oversight models examined by the WRRB.”

The elephant in the room: This is all under the direct control of the city manager. According to the charter of the City of Worcester, the city manager is the chief conservator of the peace. He is at the top of the chain of command of law enforcement in the city.

The goal here is not to enhance the city government’s ability to defend and uphold the constitution. The goal is information control and public relations management.

It is a keen insight into what is important to this administration. What matters is not what happens, but what goes public.

NEPBA Local 911 President Thomas Duffy II described it another way to Masslive:

“This effort is the new defund the police call that takes valuable resources away from public and officer safety simply to create controversy.”

It’s about the controversy. Not the constitution. Not individual rights. Not the law. Not transparency. Not accountability.

Right. Exactly the problem.

(Editor’s note: Duffy has filed a defamation lawsuit again Tom Marino, the author of this piece and principal of This Week in Worcester. I fully stand by our reporting and have total confidence in victory.)

Apparently, now any expenditure by city government that isn’t directly funneled to law enforcement is “defund the police.”

The economics are simple. Estimates for funding a civilian review board are around $750,000 per year. Two lawsuit settlements last year, both relating to liberty stolen from civilians by Worcester Police officers, totaled just over $2.25 million.

I think we should start calling each lawsuit settlement and judgement resulting from police behavior part of the “defund Worcester” campaign.

Human Rights Commission

This report continues to assert that the Human Rights Commission plays a role in accountability. The city manager, contrary to what appears to be the plain language of the city ordinance and relevant case law, has castrated the human rights commission, preventing data on anything discipline-related from being sent to the commission.

Lovaincy, the author of the report, has been the Batista’s primary weapon in limiting the scope of the Human Rights Commission.

Jacqueline Yang was first appointed to the Human Rights Commission in 2018. She received reappointment in 2023. On July 20, she resigned from the commission.

According to the Worcester Telegram and Gazette:

“Yang confirmed she resigned July 20, and used an expletive to describe any suggestion that the Human Rights Commission plays a serious role in police oversight.”

The same Telegram article:

“[Yang] said the Human Rights Commission should not be considered part of a layer of overview of police, arguing it has no actual power and has been impeded in its efforts for years. “

A second member of the Human Rights Commission, Drew Schnoebelen resigned on July 21. Ina statement, Schnoebelen said:

“City leadership has consistently and purposefully manufactured roadblocks and barriers that constrict the Commission in a way that simply cannot be overcome without major systemic change.”

Schnoebelen added:

“These purposeful roadblocks and barriers have rendered the Commission a toothless body that primarily exists to be a symbol of advocacy and change which can be pointed to as evidence of the city’s efforts, all so that real, meaningful change does not have to be enforced.”

Overwhelming Numbers of Worcester Residents are Liars

Page 11 of the administration’s report shows the number of complaints related to the use of force by officers within the Worcester Police Department. The administration intended to show a diminishing number of complaints from 2018 to 2025.

It is true, the number of complaints has declined. Looking closely at the statistics provides insight into what those within city government find reasonable.

The department categorizes civilian complaints under 1503.1, Unnecessary Force. Cases brought internally are categorized under Pol. 400 Use of Force. That the report doesn’t explain that is all you need to know about the integrity of it.

The numbers provided tell us that civilians filed 102 complaints related to unnecessary force from 2018 to 2025. The department’s internal investigations sustained one of those complaints. One out of 102 is just under 1 percent.

Anyone who looks at those numbers and doesn’t find reason for alarm, or at least further inquiry, has to believe it is possible that 99 percent of Worcester residents are liars.

Much of the report directs the reader to focus on the decline of the last three years, since the appointment of Chief of Police Paul Saucier. From 2023 through 2025, there were 15 civilian complaints, with one complaint sustained. While the sample size is smaller, the plain math of it is that represents a percentage that rounds up to seven percent.

That means from 2018 to 2022, liars filed every one of the 87 complaints of unreasonable force.

Kate Toomey, chair of the City Council Public Safety Committee, who consistently asks for crime statistics every quarter, has never asked for these statistics to be taken up in her committee. This council term is the sixth time Mayor Joe Petty appointed Toomey to a two-year term to lead that committee.

Minimizing Constitutional Violations

On page 14, the administration presents how often the police department responds to incidents and faces no allegations of policy or constitutional violations.

This statistical framework goes well beyond dishonest. Like everything in this report, it is the government telling residents there is no problem.

The report says that in 2025 the Worcester Police Department responded to 144,858 incidents and received only four excessive force complaints. They get to put a lot of zeros in front of it, as if it’s relevant. The percentage: 0.0028 percent.

Oh wow. That’s so low; nothing to see here, folks. It’s just “anti-police sentiment.”

When two stabbings occurred on the Worcester Common a few weeks ago, we heard city councilors and others talking about people “feeling safe.” Nobody estimated the number of actions taken on the common over the year and buried the statistical relevance of those stabbings.

In a criminal trial, is a defendant allowed to calculate the total percentage of actions that weren’t criminal in their life and present how often they weren’t committing crimes? That sort of stuff comes in the penalty phase.

This statistic buries the problem, collectivizing responsibility and diluting the positive behavior of those doing the job the right way in the interest of protecting bad actors. Its dishonesty is unsurprising.

Application of Policy

As I wrote in the last piece in this series, the administration and police department credit themselves for the development of new policies at the department. The statistics provided in the report, combined with many cases of use of force where video evidence shows the department’s internal investigations were inadequate to the point of malicious intent, show enforcement was nonexistent.

But not being impressed that they wrote more policies down is anti-police sentiment.

The reality comes in the application of policy. Let’s look at just one controversial case: the Beer Garden.

On page 31 of the internal investigation report:

“PO – reported that Mr. Ayala-Melendez pushed past officers and was yelling towards the arrestees. The video does not depict Mr. Ayala-Melendez pushing past officers.”

[Editor’s Note: The name of the officer involved is no longer a city employee, thus his name was not included.]

The department’s internal investigator on the case didn’t even bother to include an allegation for the violation of policy for the false statement this officer made, which is a crime in Massachusetts. Months later, after the controversy over the incident became public, then-Chief Sargent ordered the case reopened to sustain a violation of the department’s submitting reports policy.

The officer also used force to arrest Ayala-Melendez for crimes he did not commit.

That is just one of many examples of how policy has been enforced for years at the Worcester Police Department.

The report frames the reduction in civilian complaints as a product of the appointment of Chief Saucier. That may be true.

However, come Sept. 1 of this year, Saucier will have three years serving at the salary of chief. That will effectively maximize his pension. I have no insight into the chief’s plans, but nobody in city government would be surprised if he announced his retirement by the end of the year or early next year.

So if the reduction of civilian complaints is a product of Chief Saucier alone, what happens when he’s gone?

The Next Chief of Police

This Week in Worcester spoke with two current captains and 2 officers close to the NEPBA Local 911 union’s thoughts on the appointment of the next chief. One captain said, “The city is afraid to appoint Carl Suprenor because he is known for being brutally honest.”

Sources tell This Week in Worcester that city leaders see Deputy Chief Edward McGinn as too open, including with media outlets.

Both McGinn and Suprenor filed a complaint with the Civil Service Commission objecting to Saucier’s appointment as chief. The state legislature approved the city’s request to opt-out of the civil service system for chief and deputy chiefs during the process.

Another Deputy Chief, Kenneth Davenport, filed a lawsuit along with three other officers in 2013 that alleged racial discrimination in promotions at the department. The settlement included Davenport’s promotion to lieutenant. He later became the first Black person to achieve the rank of captain. He is also the first Black person promoted to deputy chief.

According to the same sources at the police department, city and union leadership views Davenport as controllable.

Why look outside the department, like Governor Maura Healey did, to find the current commander of the Massachusetts State Police?

Why look when city leadership already has someone with the primary trait they want? Its the same reason Mayor Petty’s majority refused to consider anyone other than Eric Batista for city manager. Why search based on ability when their primary concern is an asset they can control?

The worst-kept secret in city government is that City Manager Batista and Mayor Petty have already decided that the next chief of police will be- the author of the internal investigation report into the Beer Garden incident, the former Commander of the department’s Bureau of Professional Standards, and current Deputy Chief Kenneth Davenport.

God help us all.

Second Human Rights Commission Member Resigns

WORCESTER – A second member of the Worcester Human Rights Commission has resigned in the wake of City Manager Eric Batista’s release of the Municipal Civilian Review Board Report, which will be taken up by the Worcester City Council at its meeting on Tuesday, July 21, at 5:30 PM.

The report not only rejects the establishment of a civilian review board but also rejects any change in oversight of mechanisms related to the police department, including any independent oversight mechanisms.

Drew Schnoebelen, appointed to the Human Rights Commission in November 2024, resigned from the commission on July 21.

In his letter of resignation to Batista, he said:

“City leadership has consistently and purposefully manufactured roadblocks and barriers that constrict the Commission in a way that simply cannot be overcome without major systemic change.”

Schnoebelen added:

“These purposeful roadblocks and barriers have rendered the Commission a toothless body that primarily exists to be a symbol of advocacy and change which can be pointed to as evidence of the city’s efforts, all so that real, meaningful change does not have to be enforced.”

The full text of Schnoebelen’s letter of resignation is at the bottom of this page.

The first commission member to resign after the release of the report is Jacqueline Yang. She was first appointed to the Human Rights Commission in 2018. She received reappointment in 2023. On July 20, she resigned from the commission.

According to the Worcester Telegram and Gazette:

“Yang confirmed she resigned July 20, and used an expletive to describe any suggestion that the Human Rights Commission plays a serious role in police oversight.”

The same Telegram article:

“[Yang] said the Human Rights Commission should not be considered part of a layer of overview of police, arguing it has no actual power and has been impeded in its efforts for years. “

The full text of Schnoebelen’s letter of resignation:

To the City Manager,

After much consideration, I am resigning from the Worcester Human Rights Commission, effective immediately. I joined the HRC in Fall 2024 as a new resident of Worcester with enthusiasm and hope. I felt that becoming a part of this volunteer organization was one way to contribute to the Worcester community, and I was strong in my conviction that doing the work on a local level could make a lasting, tangible impact.

Unfortunately, I have not observed a healthy, functioning, and effective commission, especially over the last 12 months. I personally feel that over the course of my tenure, city leadership has consistently and purposefully manufactured roadblocks and barriers that constrict the Commission in a way that simply cannot be overcome without major systemic change.

It is my personal belief that these purposeful roadblocks and barriers have rendered the Commission a toothless body that primarily exists to be a symbol of advocacy and change which can be pointed to as evidence of the city’s efforts, all so that real, meaningful change does not have to be enforced. Simple commission activities like electing new leadership, filling vacant positions, and making basic statements to the public have been met with contention, controversy, and inaction, while more significant projects and repeated policy recommendations have been ignored. Whether or not my observations are shared among all Commission members, the relationship between the HRC and city leadership leads me to believe that I cannot in good conscience continue to participate.

My hope is that my resignation will continue to draw attention to what I feel is the city’s misuse and exploitation of the Human Rights Commission and spotlight one of many challenges the community faces in achieving equity and inclusivity.

When Worcester Chose the Trump Bailout over the Constitution

This is the fifth part in a series that will look at actions taken by some city councilors over recent years that, when viewed collectively, display a disturbing downward spiral towards a council that serves the interests of its members, not of city residents.

The introductory piece of the series, The City Council Circles the Drain, looks at a City Council resolution supporting Worcester Police Department actions in several recent cases. In isolation, the resolution is harmless. When viewed in the context of the behavior of the majority faction within the council, the resolution tells a different story.

The second piece of this series, Worcester Council Holds Fewest Meetings in 20 Years in 2025, looks at the near-total elimination of the ability of residents to put issues before their local elected legislature and the events from October 2024 through January 2025, which some councilors cited as the reason for eliminating that ability.

The third piece of this series, Worcester City Council Criticizes Manager, Snitches on Itself, reviews a discussion within the city council related to the specialized stretch code during its meeting on April 28. It’s not the stretch code itself that is important here, but how the discussion shows the sources of information councilors base their decisions on.

The fourth piece of this series, One Year After Eureka St., What Officers at the Scene Knew, reviews the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) operation on Eureka Street on May 8, 2025, the orders under which Worcester Police officers operated that day, and how those orders contradict the later public statement of city officials, including city councilors.

This fifth piece in the series looks at the campaign to undermine the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) investigation of the Worcester Police Department and the manipulations, changing narratives, and removal of references to the DOJ report from the city website. 

Phase 1: Preemption, Disinformation

The U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) released its report of its investigation of the Worcester Police Department on Monday, Dec. 9, 2024. It’s findings:

The Department of Justice has reasonable cause to believe that the Worcester Police Department and the City of Worcester engage in a pattern or practice of conduct that deprives people of their rights under the Constitution and federal law:

• • WPD uses excessive force that violates the Fourth Amendment. Officers unreasonably deploy Tasers, use police dogs, and strike people in the head. Officers rapidly escalate minor incidents by using more force than necessary, including during encounters with people who have behavioral health disabilities or are in crisis.
  • WPD engages in outrageous government conduct that violates the constitutional rights of women suspected of being involved in the commercial sex trade by engaging in sexual contact during undercover operations. This violates the Fourteenth Amendment’s due process clause.

City Manager Eric Bastista told the Worcester City Council that he received the report on the previous Friday, Dec. 6, 2024. Batista said an agreement with the DOJ to not preempt the release of the report prohibited him from doing so.

Yet the city apparently violated that agreement by releasing a statement through Attorney Brian Kelley of Boston law firm Nixon Peabody, the city’s private attorney for matters related to the DOJ investigation. Kelley released a statement to some media outlets prior to the release of the DOJ’s report. Both Batista and Petty said they reviewed and approved the release of that statement.

Batista and Petty both released statements under their own names a day later. The tone was very different.

Kelley’s statement was packed full of disinformation and was the catalyst for the city’s campaign to resist any meaningful reform at the Worcester Police Department.

• “Notwithstanding WPD’s full cooperation”

The Worcester Police Department’s level of cooperation with the investigation significantly changed after the appointment of current Chief of Police Paul Saucier. Claiming the city provided full cooperation is simply untrue.

• “The anonymous nature of the complaints”

Federal law requires that “data acquired under this section shall be used only for research or statistical purposes and may not contain any information that may reveal the identity of the victim or any law enforcement officer” (34 U.S. Code § 12602(b).

The two provisions of U.S. code related to DOJ pattern or practice investigations are:

34 U.S. Code § 12601 – Cause of action
34 U.S. Code § 12602 – Data on use of excessive force

Further, the Worcester Police Department identified every case cited in the DOJ report. They had been previously reported.

• “Instead of identifying individual officers who could – and should – be prosecuted if these serious allegations were true, the DOJ has prepared a report by civil lawyers with no prosecutorial experience which makes incredibly broad allegations but fails to identify a single corrupt officer.”

This is again the suggestion that the DOJ should have violated federal law because of hurt feelings of some at the police department.

• “As with every complaint or allegation that it receives, the WPD will evaluate and investigate the conduct alleged in DOJ’s report in the coming weeks and months, and will implement any and all appropriate disciplinary and remedial measures.”

While Batista and Petty, through Kelley’s statement, appeared to understand that the recommendations in the report are remedial, they’ll later claim they “implemented all the recommendations.”

• “DOJ also makes very serious sexual misconduct allegations based on anonymous hearsay statements and a paper prepared by a group of Clark University students—a paper which even the student authors themselves doubted would ‘hold up as credible’ and sought to withhold from public disclosure.”

Batista and Petty, through Kelley, are referring to the following passage in the DOJ report:

“That same year [2019], advocates met with WPD officials to discuss the findings of a graduate student study regarding the experiences of women involved in the commercial sex trade. During these meetings, the captain endorsed sexually touching women during stings, erroneously stating that such behavior from officers is not illegal because it was consensual and is not sexual assault because ‘the prostitutes have been doing it for a while’ and it is not necessarily unwanted.”

Yet during a deposition of Worcester Detective Scott Calhoun on Feb. 9, 2023, an attorney asked questions about “cop touching.” A narrative written by the defendant’s counsel in the case presented the following:

“Counsel [for Plaintiff] asked Det. Calhoun if targets of prostitution stings had asked him to touch them to demonstrate that he was not an undercover officer. ‘Oh yeah, they’ll ask that,’ he stated. Asked how he responds to such requests Det. Calhoun answered: ‘I don’t touch them, and usually I can just sort of dance around it and get to the point of, you know, making the sex-for-a-fee deal or not.’ He denied ever having touched a prostitute in the breast area to convince her that he was not an officer. [. . .] When counsel asked if a superior had ever informed Det. Calhoun it was okay for an officer to touch a suspected prostitute in order to convince her he was not an officer, his counsel objected to the question as ‘totally irrelevant’ and directed him not to answer.”

A magistrate judge later found the question irrelevant and did not require Calhoun to answer it. However, it seems odd that the attorney allowed him to answer the question about his own practices, but objected to the questions about supervisor instructions. Sure seems like if the answer was no, they’d have been happy to say so.

Related to the Clark Study mentioned by Batista and Petty, via Kelley, that narrative is generally true, as far as I understand it. Some graduate students began talking to commercial sex workers about their experiences with police officers in the city. They took their findings to the city, which had no interest in the information.

The methodology may have had flaws. If city officials cared even slightly about determining if this problem exists, they could commission the study themselves.

If they thought they’d get favorable results, they’d have spared no expense. They know what the results will be. As early as 2012, individuals brought allegations of sexual misconduct and assault against some Worcester Police Department members to the police department and the city.

They don’t care. At all.

Police Sexual Violence

Data and studies on police sexual violence are not prominent, but those which exist are disturbing.

The Bowling Green Study – 2000

In 2020, research published by Bowling Green State Universty found 2,221 police officers in the United States arrested for sex-related crimes between 2005 and 2014. Those officers worked at over 1,100 state and local law enforcement agencies across all 50 states and the District of Columbia.

Those are arrests. Not accusations. Arrests. These arrests are in spite of the prominence of under-reporting of sex crimes.

Of those arrestees, 65 percent (1444) received convictions, with 72 percent (1,037) resulting in guilty pleas. Of those offenses, 705 were forcible fondling and 462 were forcible rape.

Researchers concluded that, “these data suggest that police sexual violence is a problem involving more than a few ‘bad apples’ and that the phenomenon of police sexual violence may be a cultural norm within many state and local law enforcement agencies.”

Of the cases reviewed by researchers, 78 percent of victims were women, with the victim’s relationship to the offender being a stranger 43 percent of the time.

Situational Context – Bowling Green – 2020

A subset of researchers from the Bowling Green study in 2000 looked at the situational context from 2005 to 2012. Of the 669 cases of police sexual violence identified, patrol officers accounted for 87 percent of the offenders. Officers with five or fewer years of experience accounted for 35 percent of cases, while those with 18 years or more of experience accounted for nine percent.

Those involved in sexual violence by police were on duty 81 percent of the time.

Researchers identified three contexts in which victimization of sexual violence occurs:

1. “Driving while Female” – situations in which police use their traffic enforcement powers to stop and sexually abuse women.
2. Child predation.
3. The Commercial Sex Worker Industry – Victims of police sexual violence within this context were those defined by police as sex workers and/or exotic dancers.

In cases involving the commercial sex worker industry, which is relevant to the DOJ’s report on the Worcester Police Department, 91 percent of those cases resulting in arrest originated from citizen complaints, not police-initiated detection of crime.

The arrested officer’s employing agency arrested these officers 52 percent of the time, with 62 percent suspended and 49 percent terminated.

The Baltimore Study – 2023

Researchers from the Department of Health, Behavior and Society at John Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health in Baltimore published a study in 2023 based on data collected from a group of over 300 women engaged in commercial sex work and completed a structured survey every six months over an 18-month period.

The results showed:

• About 90% of women who reported sex with police reported any uniformed or non-uniformed police had paid for sex.
• Between 72% and 85% had been solicited for paid sex by uniformed police.
• Between 41% and 50% of women who reported recent sex with police indicated they had done so because they feared arrest otherwise.
• One-third were directly pressured for sex by police to avoid arrest or trouble.

It is statistically improbable that these data points drop to zero. om Worcester

Phase II: Police Union Collaboration

On Dec. 17, 2024, the Worcester City Council took up the DOJ report. Several police officers, police union officials, activists, and some complainants in cases cited in the DOJ report attended.

Some public comments by union officials and officers created another funnel of disinformation being perpetrated on Worcester residents.

Kevin Carlo – NEPBA President Local 550 (Sherrif’s Department)

“There’s nothing in that report that even is credible. Imagine going home to your wife and kid and having to discuss this kind of a matter.”

The absurd attack on Pastor Rizzuti and his son by an officer on Waverly Street in 2018 (video) and the unbridled attack on a pedestrian by an officer outside the Beer Garden in 2019 (video) are both highlighted in the report. Both are on video. To say that nothing in the report is credible is ignorant or a lie.

I, for one, am done caring whether ignorance or malice is the cause. The result remains the same.

Imagine being so obtuse and so unconcerned with anyone but union members that talking to their wives supersedes constitutional rights.

Chris Ryan, NEPBA General President

“I’m here to address this careless DOJ report which alleges egregious criminal behavior up to and including sexual assault and rape. If the DOJ had credible information regarding these instances, why isn’t anyone investigated or arrested? Why are the alleged officers still on the job today? Where is the justice for the alleged victims? Instead of offering answers to these questions, the DOJ only offers in their report recommended remedial measures. Are you kidding me?”

So much nonsense in so few words. Let’s take these one at a time.

“Why isn’t anyone investigated or arrested?”

The DOJ’s pattern or practice investigations are not criminal investigations requiring evidence beyond a reasonable doubt. They are civil investigations by the Civil Rights Division of the DOJ conducted with a standard of reasonable cause to believe. The Department of Children and Families uses the same standard in its investigations that can lead to children being removed from a parent’s home. So it’s apparently a fine standard to break up a family, but not appropriate in an investigation where federal law explicitly prohibits the names of officers and survivors from being published.

“Why are the alleged officers still on the job today?”

Internal investigations at the Police Department are not credible. A report by the Worcester Telegram and Gazette, says “the city, in 2021, told [the POST Commission} that, of the 795 unnecessary force investigations it had ever conducted into its roughly 460 active officers at the time, it had upheld the allegations just two times.”

The City Manager’s report on Civilian Review Boards (pg 11), presented to the city council for its July 21, 2026 meeting, shows that from 2018 to 2025, civilians filed complaints for excessive force 102 times. Just one was sustained.

“Where is the justice for the alleged victims?”

It is quite clear that very few people in city government care even slightly about harm done by its own employees. The DOJ only offers in its report recommended remedial measures. Are you kidding me?”

The DOJ conducted around 80 pattern and practice investigations prior to its investigation in Worcester. When it found wrongdoing, it issued remedial measures in the summary report. Then it engages in a negotiation process with the department to come to an agreement on the corrective action a department will take. That process hasn’t happened, as the Trump administration stopped engaging with these investigations after the president being sworn in. The actual substance comes in that process after the DOJ issues its report.

Sgt, Anthony Petrone – IBPO Local 504

“Where in this great country can anyone be charged and convicted of a crime without one piece of evidence? How can victims of serious sexual criminal acts with credible sources be left without justice served?”

No one faced charges. The point of the investigation is to investigate systemic problems in a department, not individuals. Victims are left without justice because the police department’s investigations of itself are corrupt shams. Preserving these corrupt shams masquerading as fact-finding as the only investigation is a critical component of maintaining the status quo. They have eager partners in this pursuit within the majority coalition on the city council.

(Editor’s Note: Petrone was at that time the vice president of the IBPO Local 504. He has since declined to run for re-election.)

Sgt. Brendan Tivnan – Worcester Police Department

“During these vice enforcement efforts, vice squad officers have received zero complaints of sexual misconduct, zero complaints of excessive force, zero complaints of conduct unbecoming and zero complaints total for any violations of law and policy.”

I can’t verify if this claim is true, as it would require knowing every officer  with the unit over those five years. It is worth noting that Tivnan is one of several officers who claimed that Brima Fofana accelerated his vehicle at officers on Jan. 30, 2020, striking one. Surveillance video shows that isn’t true. Officers removed Fofana from his vehicle while it was in gear, causing the vehicle to roll forward into a light pole. Fofana didn’t file a complaint; he filed a lawsuit. Tivnan is a named defendant.

The police department’s internal investigation found no violations of policy in the arrest of Fofana.

Tivnan’s promotion to sergeant came after his comments that day. The Fofana case is pending.

(Editor’s Note: Another officer with the same last name was involved in the 2019 unlawful use of force at the Beer Garden. Brendan Tivnan is not the same person.)

Part III: The Trump Bailout

City officials never attempted to inform residents of the process that governs DOJ investigations of police departments. These investigations, like the one of the Worcester Police Department, intend to identify patterns or practices within a department that discriminate or violate rights.

The process is:

1. Pre-investigation – determining if a full investigation is warranted.
2. Investigation – DOJ publicly announces investigation. Investigations typically last about two years.
3. DOJ releases the investigation report.
4. DOJ enters negotiations with the city and police department on required reforms. This stage typically takes about a year.
5. An agreement between the DOJ and the municipality is executed. The DOJ often seeks a court order, called a consent decree, mandating the implementation of agreed-upon reforms.
6. Implementation and independent monitoring of implementation progress.

For context, the investigation report on:

• The Worcester Police Departmenn is 43 pages.
• The investigation report on the Minneapolis Police Department is 92 pages.
  • The consent decree between the DOJ and the Minneapolis Police Department is 171 pages.
• The investigation report on the Louisville Metro Police is 90 pages.
  • The consent decree is 259 pages.

However, the DOJ released the report a little over a month before the second inauguration of President Donald Trump. On multiple occasions, Trump has encouraged police to use more violence. The Trump administration’s massive expansion of Immigration and Customs Enforcement personnel is an important case study in the president’s view of what an effective law enforcement operation looks like.

According to multiple city officials, the DOJ has not had meaningful discussions with the city on a negotiated settlement.

In February 2025, the U.S. Attorney for the Massachusetts District, Leah Foley, described the investigation in Worcester as “very much pending,” in Frebruary. Foley acknowledged mandates from Washington to pause certain investigations.

In May 2025, the DOJ announced it would dismiss consent decrees in Louisville, KY, and Minneapolis, MN. It also announced that it would close investigations into departments in Phoenix, AZ, Trenton, NJ, Memphis, TN, Mount Vernon, NY, Oklahoma City, OK, and the Louisiana State Police.

The DOJ released the investigation report on the Mount Vernon Police Department on Dec. 12, 2024, three days after it released its report on Worcester. Yet the DOJ has yet to declare the Worcester investigation closed.

Regardless, the process between the DOJ and the city stalled. Nothing indicates it will restart.

So if the DOJ isn’t moving the process forward, what could city government do?

According to a Worcester Regonal Research Bureau brief in January 2023, of 78 pattern or practice investigations conducted by the DOJ since Congress allowed them in 1994, 21 ended in consent decrees. These documents are heavy on policy, unlike the investigation reports.

The city could have researched other agreements for policies prescribed by the DOJ in other cities and considered their application to Worcester. Instead, it chose what the city government is best at.

Phase IV: Lie, Spin, Ignore, Accomplish Little, Congratulate Yourself

On Dec. 9, 2024, Petty and Batista, through attorney Kelley, understood the recommendations in the DOJ report were remedial. Kelley’s statement referenced them as such.

NEPBA General President Chris Ryan understood the recommendations were remedial, as he criticized the DOJ for them at the Dec. 17, 2024 city council meeting.

Once the city understood it was getting the Trump bailout, suddenly the recommendations were the end of the universe. They are so pathetically desperate to run away from police reform that the webpage Batista’s office felt the need to issue a press release about in July 2025 no longer has any reference to the DOJ Report on it.

Note: DOJ Report progress was later migrated to another page.

Since progress is no longer being tracked on the website, I guess that means they have implemented all the recommendations.

Yet the city has released no information on the implementation of several of those recommendations, which it spontaneously forgot were remedial.

Ignoring Contributing Causes

One of the most egregious parts of the campaign to make Worcester safe for police misconduct is the wholesale ignoring of the five-page section of the DOJ report titled “Contributing Causes of Violations.”

The outline of the section is:

A. WPD Fails to Hold Officers Accountable

1. WPD’s Intake Process May Discourage Complaints
2. Supervisors, Not BOPS Investigators, Investigate Some Serious Complaints, Including Complaints of Excessive Force
3. BOPS Investigators Reach Improper Conclusions and Fail to Interview Key Witnesses
4. WPD Officers Are Rarely Disciplined for Misconduct

B. Deficient Policies and Training Contribute to Unlawful Conduct

C. WPD Does Not Adequately Supervise Officers

The department has introduced new policies since the release of the DOJ report, which are public.

City officials have not discussed the other two items, failing to hold officers accountable or the lack of adequate supervision, in public. They’ve simply ignored it.

The city’s failure to hold officers accountable is long-standing and pervasive. The city rarely disciplines officers for misconduct.

Similarly, the department maintains no standards for discipline. There are no standardized ranges of penalties for policy violations. In the rare instances where the department issues penalties, it does so arbitrarily.

The majority coalition within the city council, led by Mayor Petty, has made its priorities clear. Police union officials claiming to be victimized and having to answer questions from their spouses is a far bigger concern to them than the individual rights granted in the United States Constitution, which they take an oath to uphold.

The sixth and final piece in this series will look at the recent report issued by City Manager Eric Batista that continues a decades-long denial of a civilian review board to review cases of police misconduct and how the administration and city council majority prioritize political convenience, coverups, and mitigating against public disclosure over reform and constitutional rights.

Editor’s note: This page was edited after its initial publication to add a note pointing to the website where progress on the DOJ Report is located within the city website. 

26-Year-Old Man Found Guilty of 2020 Murder

WORCESTER – A jury in Worcester County Superior Court found a local man guilty of a 2020 murder in the Grafton Hill neighborhood.

According to the office of Worcester County District Attorney Joe Early Jr., on June 30, 2020, Josue Rios, 29, confronted a man, Benjamin Willie, 26, who was slashing tires in the area. An altercation took place between the two, during which Willie stabbed Rios.

EMS transported Rios to UMass Memorial Hospital and later pronounced dead.

Willie faced arraignment for assault and battery with a dangerous weapon causing serious bodily injury and destruction of property on July 1, 2020. After Rios died, Early’s office sought to upgrade the assault charge to a charge of Murder int he Second Degree.

A Worcester County Grand Jury indicted Willie on Nov. 12, 2020.

The judge in the case set sentencing for July 28.

Tobacco Regulations in Worcester Modified by Board of Health

WORCESTER – The City of Worcester Board of Health voted to adopt modifications to tobacco regulations in the city on Monday, July 13, primarily related to locations where the city may issue a tobacco sales permit and the locations of smoking bars.

The regulations became an issue in August when the board of health rejected a smoking bar application from Noamesco Bar & Lounge at 43 Pleasant St. The board of health cited the regulations it modified on Monday in rejecting the application.

According to comments by city councilors earlier this year, Noamesco invested in air filtration equipment based on suggestions from city employees before applying for the permit.

According to the Board of Health, tobacco regulations in the city now include:

• Exemption to the 500-foot retail-to-retail buffer for locations that held a Retail Tobacco Product Sales Permit within the prior three years as of the effective date.
• Updated density restrictions allowing Retailer to operate within 500 feet of a Smoking Bar and allow Smoking Bars to operate within 500 feet of one another.

The board of health also added additional provisions to city regulations:

• Tobacco retailers must comply with applicable local and state signage requirements.
• Flavored tobacco products may only be sold and used in Smoking Bars.
• Tobacco retailers to electronically acknowledge that they understand the regulations and are responsible for informing and training employees and required to furnish documentation upon request of Board of Health.

23andMe Settles with 42 States for 2023 Data Breach

BOSTON – Attorney General Andrea Joy Campbell announced on Tuesday, July 14, that Massachusetts joined 42 other states in announcing a settlement with direct-to-consumer genetic testing company 23andMe to resolve allegations related to a 2023 data breach.

According to the settlement, 23andMe pays $18 million, including $387,218 to Massachusetts. The company filed for bankruptcy in 2025, but the settlement funds will be paid out immediately from available bankruptcy funds. The company also agreed to pay nearly $47 million in a class-action settlement in the bankruptcy case to provide relief to those who submitted claims.

“Consumers have a right to expect that the companies entrusted with their most personal information will protect it. This settlement reinforces security requirements for the remaining 23andMe data, maintains consumers’ right to delete their information, and makes clear that companies cannot cut corners when it comes to data privacy,” said Campbell. “I will continue to hold companies accountable when they fail to protect consumers and their sensitive information.”

In October 2023, 23andMe announced it discovered a data breach that affected 6.9 million consumers, including at least 136,761 in Massachusetts. The breach exposed a range of data about the company’s customers, including in some cases genetic ancestry information. Some data appeared for sale on the “dark web.”

A multi-state investigation formed by attorneys general found 23andMe engaged in unreasonable data security practices, including, but not limited to:

• Failing to employ safeguards against similar attacks, including by comparing passwords against lists of known breached passwords or by requiring multifactor authentication;
• Failing to implement appropriate limitations on the number of login attempts over time;
• Failing to implement logging and monitoring or other tools likely to detect a data breach;
• Failing to appropriately investigate or address unusual login patterns, including, for example, massive spikes in login attempts;
• Failing to remediate known vulnerabilities; and
• Failing to properly review and test design features.

The other states where the attorney general joined the settlement are Alaska, Alabama, Arkansas, Arizona, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, the District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Iowa, Illinois, Indiana, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Maine, Michigan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Virginia, Vermont, Washington, Wisconsin, and West Virginia.

Worcester Library Hosts Tactile Art Exhibit

WORCESTER – The Worcester Public Library announced the opening of an interactive tactile exhibit at its main branch, at 3 Salem Sq., from July 15 through August 15.

Created by Tactile Images, the exhibit uses patented technology that transforms iconic works of art into three-dimensional tactile renderings, allowing visitors to experience visual information through touch. The exhibit’s design, in part, makes visual art more accessible to the blind or visually impaired.

The exhibit, Seven Art Movements, examines the evolution of history’s art movements through tactile reproductions of works by renowned artists, including Leonardo da Vinci, Johannes Vermeer, and Vincent van Gogh. It also explores stylistic characteristics of the Renaissance, Baroque, Neo-classicism, Impressionism, Post-Impressionism, Art Nouveau, and Expressionism.

The exhibition features seven tactile images, each paired with a corresponding fine art print.

“The Worcester Talking Book Library is committed to ensuring that everyone has access to educational and cultural experiences,” said Lee Anne Hooley, head of WTBL. “This exhibit offers a unique opportunity for individuals who are blind or visually impaired to engage with art in a meaningful way while helping sighted visitors gain a deeper appreciation for accessible design and inclusive programming.”

Mass. Joins Lawsuit Against Paramount/ Warner Bros. Merger

BOSTON – Massachusetts Attorney General Andrea Joy Campbell announced on Monday, July 13, that her office agreed to join a coalition of 11 other states in suing to block a proposed media merger.

The lawsuit argues that the $110 billion acquisition of Warner Bros. Discovery, Inc. by Paramount Skydance Corporation would “unlawfully reduce competition in the film and television industry and ultimately harm consumers.”

The coalition of states asked Warner Bros. and Paramount not to close the transaction while the litigation proceeds. Should the companies decline, the coalition will see a restraining order to prevent the merger from closing until a court can review.

The coalition sued in federal court in the Northern District of California. The lawsuit alleges the merger violates Section 7 of the Clayton Act, which prohibits mergers that may substantially limit competition or tend to create a monopoly, according to Campbell’s office.

The coalition of states argues that should the merger take effect, competition would be substantially limited in three areas:

• Wide Release Theatrical Film Distribution – If combined, Warner Bros. and Paramount would control 27 percent of the market. The merger would leave just four companies with 86 percent of the market (Disney, Universal, and Sony are the others)
• Anticipated Top-Grossing Theatrical Film Distribution – The new entity would control 30 percent of the market and the same four companies would control 93 percent.
• Licensing Basic Cable Television Channels – Warner Bros. and Paramount currently combine to control 27 percent of revenue.

The other states in the coalition filing this lawsuit are California, Arizona, Colorado, Connecticut, Minnesota, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Oregon, and Washington

Cash App Settlement includes $45 Million for 46 States

BOSTON – Massachusetts Attorney General Andrea Joy Campbell announced on Wednesday, July 8, that Massachusetts will receive $730,000 as part of a $45 million multi-state settlement with Bl0ck Inc., the maker of Cash App.

The settlement includes 46 states and the District of Columbia. Only Hawaii, Missouri, South Carolina, and Wyoming are not part of the settlement.

The settlement resolves allegations by the state that the company:

• misled consumers about the safety of Cash App;
• failed to protect users from fraud on the platform; and
• failed to provide the fraud protection and resolution that it promised and that was required by law.

“Companies that advertise the safety and security of their platforms have an obligation to deliver on those promises. Instead, Cash App enabled fraud by failing to take necessary security measures and running promotions that put users at risk,” said Campbell. “This settlement ensures Cash App will strengthen protections for users, implement responsible practices, and provide real, responsive customer service.”

According to Campbell’s office, Block told Cash App users that their money was safe, implying the app worked like a bank with the same protections, while it knew fraud on its platform was sharply on the rise. Instead of warning users, the company doubled down its marketing efforts. The company also actively promoted the direct deposit of paychecks into the app by users and targeted those not using a bank in its marketing efforts.

Campbell’s office also alleged that Block policies failed to stop fraud and made it easier for fraudulent actors by:

• Maintaining an enrollment process with minimal identity verification, making it easier for fraudulent actors to create accounts;
• Running a social media campaign encouraging users to post their unique identifier for the app to win prizes, enabling fraudulent actors to contact those users;
• Maintaining no phone support for years and only allowing support through messaging in the app or on social media.

The lack of phone support led to some users being locked out of Cash App for long durations without access to the funds in their account for suspicious transactions. Maintaining no phone support also enabled fraudulent actors to post 1-800 numbers online that users would find when searching for a way to contact the company.

The settlement requires Block to resolve these issues by:

• Maintain customer support that can resolve fraud complaints, account lockouts, and other problems.
• Offer live support 24 hours a day, with a human available by phone at least 13.5 hours a day and by live chat at least 18 hours a day.
• Stop making false or misleading claims about Cash App’s safety and how it protects users from fraud.
• Discontinue marketing practices known to increase fraud on the platform.
• Directly educate consumers about common types of fraud.
• Fulfill its legal obligations to investigate fraud claims and reimburse users for unauthorized transactions.

The settlement also reaffirms Block’s commitment to the U.S. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau to distribute $75 million to $120 million to consumers nationwide as part of a previous settlement.

Worcester Housing Project Receives State Tax Credit Award

FALL RIVER – Lieutenant Governor Kim Driscoll appeared in Fall River on Thursday, July 9 to announce $18.6 million in Housing Development Incentive Program (HDIP) tax credit awards for six housing projects that will create 662 new housing units in gateway cities in Massachusetts.

The tax credit awards include $3.6 million for the Clark Block Rehabilitation Project in Worcester. That project is an adaptive reuse of a historic building that will create 48 new rental units, including five affordable units.

“Gateway Cities are critical to Massachusetts’ housing future, and they know better than anyone what their communities need to grow,” said Lieutenant Governor Kim Driscoll. “These investments build on strong local partnerships to create more homes, lower costs, revitalize downtowns and ensure these communities continue to thrive for generations to come.”

Three criteria define gateway cities in Massachusetts:

• population greater than 35,000 and less than 250,000
• median household income below the state average
• rate of educational attainment of a bachelor’s degree or above that is below the state average

There are currently 26 gateway cities across the state.

According to the state, HDIP creates housing in Gateway Cities by providing tax credits to advance market-rate rental and homeownership projects that strengthen downtowns, reuse vacant or underutilized buildings and help communities expand their housing supply.  The program helps close financing gaps and make transformative housing developments financially feasible in areas where construction can be more challenging.

The other projects receiving tax credits announced today are:

• Durfee Block Apartments, Fall River: $1.5 million to Monte Ferris Jr. to support the adaptive reuse of a historic building in downtown Fall River into 22 rental homes.
• 216 Canal Street, Lawrence: $2.5 million to 216 Canal LLC to support the adaptive reuse of a mill building in Lawrence’s canal district into 99 rental homes.
• Franco American School Phase III, Lowell: $3.2 million to TMI Property Management to support new construction of 80 rental homes and commercial space.
• 24-34 North Park Square Residences, Pittsfield: $4 million to Allegrone Companies to support the adaptive reuse of a historic office building in Pittsfield’s Park Square into 23 rental homes, with street-level retail and a commercial kitchen.
• Whittenton Mill Apartments, Taunton: $3.8 million to Greystar to support the demolition of a former mill and new construction of 390 rental homes.

Image Courtesy of Mass.gov.